Hungary – Strategic Culture Foundation https://strategic-culture.su Strategic Culture Foundation provides a platform for exclusive analysis, research and policy comment on Eurasian and global affairs. We are covering political, economic, social and security issues worldwide. Tue, 10 Mar 2026 09:08:33 +0000 en-US hourly 1 https://strategic-culture.su/wp-content/uploads/2023/12/cropped-favicon4-32x32.png Hungary – Strategic Culture Foundation https://strategic-culture.su 32 32 Blackmail and death threats, Zelensky embarrasses the EU, but there’s no condemnation https://strategic-culture.su/news/2026/03/09/blackmail-and-death-threats-zelensky-embarrasses-the-eu-but-theres-no-condemnation/ Mon, 09 Mar 2026 10:16:13 +0000 https://strategic-culture.su/?post_type=article&p=891019 EU message: you can launder millions, use blackmail and issue death threats. Just don’t make it obvious.

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The money-laundering Kiev regime has gone from cutting off oil supply for EU member states to now issuing death threats to heads of state – and all that the regime’s patrons in Brussels can do is squirm with embarrassment.

The latest twist in the corrupt regime of Vladimir Zelensky is his death threat to Hungarian Prime Minister Viktor Orbán.

That was then followed by the Hungarian authorities impounding an armed convoy transporting $100 million in cash and gold bullion from Austria over Hungary’s borders to Kiev – no doubt as part of the war mafia operating under Zelensky.

You couldn’t make this up. A comedian actor who used to dress up in high heels and played a soap-opera hero president is now ruling by decree as a dictator propped up by EU taxpayers, and only because of Brussels indulging in the largesse of their Russophobic obsessions. And now this fictive creation is threatening the assassination of elected leaders.

Zelensky didn’t mention Orbán by name, but in a press briefing last Thursday, he said that “the address of the person” (Orbán) who has blocked a proposed €90 billion loan from the EU to Ukraine was being given to “our military guys” who would “speak in their own language.”

The Hungarian prime minister denounced Zelensky’s words as a “threat to my life”. The country’s foreign ministry condemned the Ukrainian leader for “crossing all limits.”

Yet the European Union has not condemned Zelensky. A junior spokesman for the European Commission merely released a perfunctory statement, saying “that type of language is not acceptable… There must be no threats against EU member states.”

Where is a full-throated denunciation from European leaders like Commission President Ursula von der Leyen, or Kaja Kallas, the Commissioner for Foreign Affairs?

Let’s get this straight. Ukraine’s nominal president tells a head of an EU state that his name is on a hit list, and the bloc’s highest officials say nothing about that. They leave it to some low-level press officer to make a bland statement about it “not being acceptable.”

This shows how deeply corrupted the EU leadership has become in the proxy war racket in Ukraine against Russia. Threats of assassination are being made and played down out of embarrassment, not because such threats are a grave violation of international law.

The background is even more damning. Hungary and Slovakia are being subjected to energy blackmail by the Ukrainian regime because the countries have refused to terminate buying their oil supplies from Russia, as demanded by Brussels and Zelensky.

On January 27, the oil supply to Hungary and Slovakia was cut off after the Kiev regime claimed that a Russian drone strike damaged the Drushba pipeline carrying the oil over Ukrainian territory from Russia. Budapest and Bratislava have accused the Kiev regime of “energy blackmail.”

A Russian air strike did not hit the pipeline. Why would Russia deprive its customers? It doesn’t make sense, and Moscow rejected the claim.

As always, the question is: Who gains?

The Kiev regime has unilaterally cut the supply as a way to pressure Hungary and Slovakia into lifting their opposition to the EU donating more loans and military aid to Ukraine.

Tellingly, Ukraine has delayed supposed “repairs” to the Drushba pipeline. Hungary and Slovakia are facing a critical shortage of oil supply, which is destabilizing their economies. Kiev is even refusing to allow independent inspectors to assess the alleged damage. It’s obvious this is a set-up. There’s probably not even any physical damage other than turning off the pumps.

Last month, Orbán’s government caused a major upset in the European Union when it vetoed a proposed €90 billion loan from Brussels to Ukraine. The loan is seen as a vital lifeline to prop up the Kiev regime and extend the war. Budapest’s refusal was partly in response to the “energy blackmail.”

The block on the money supply has put Kiev and its EU sponsors in a quandary. The regime will not be able to keep fighting the war against Russia without more purchases of military equipment from NATO. Just as important, the block on the loan by Hungary means an obstacle to the money racket that the West has been running under the Zelensky regime, whereby billions of taxpayer funds get laundered into profits for corporations with a hefty cut for the Kiev mafia.

This would explain the bizarre convoy of cash and gold bullion that Hungarian authorities busted and impounded last Thursday. Two armoured vehicles were apprehended carrying $80 million in cash and $20 million in gold bars on their way to Ukraine from Austria. Among those detained were former Ukrainian intelligence officials.

The physical transport of such large amounts of funds, rather than by electronic bank transfer, indicates that the funds were meant not to be traced. The finding exposes once again the illicit money laundering by Zelensky’s regime. This is not in the least bit surprising, given the repeated scandals of corruption and embezzlement in Kiev under Zelensky and his circle, who have acquired luxury portfolios of overseas properties over the last four years.

Hungary and Slovakia are the only EU members out of 27 nations that have shown any principles about stopping the proxy war in Ukraine and ending the racket of robbing European citizens and saddling future generations with astronomical debts.

For taking that stand, the Brussels leadership has turned a blind eye to the Kiev regime’s cutting off oil supplies and using energy blackmail. Now the regime has gone even further to issue death threats to a European head of state, and the Brussels elite has effectively said nothing.

What the EU’s proxy war sponsors seem more concerned about is that their overindulged, corrupt puppet in Kiev is a public relations embarrassment. The blatant criminality of terroristic blackmail and death threats betrays the complicity of the EU’s leadership.

Von der Leyen, Kajas and the Brussels elites are more worried that Zelensky’s mafia threats might rebound by galvanizing Hungarians to vote for Orbán’s party in parliamentary elections next month.

Their message is: you can launder millions, use blackmail and issue death threats. Just don’t make it obvious.

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Von der Leyen avverte l’Ungheria: abbiamo i mezzi per farvi parlare https://strategic-culture.su/news/2026/03/05/von-der-leyen-avverte-lungheria-abbiamo-i-mezzi-per-farvi-parlare/ Wed, 04 Mar 2026 21:58:05 +0000 https://strategic-culture.su/?post_type=article&p=890945 Quando von der Leyen avverte che «abbiamo altre opzioni», l’immagine ostile che viene in mente è quella di un interrogatore della Gestapo che fa roteare le pinze in mano.

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La presidente della Commissione europea Ursula von der Leyen è arrivata a Kiev questa settimana a mani vuote ed era irritata. Aveva pianificato di celebrare il quarto anniversario della guerra in Ucraina il 24 febbraio con un nuovo prestito di 90 miliardi di euro per sostenere il regime corrotto di Kiev.

All’ultimo minuto, l’Ungheria ha annunciato che avrebbe posto il veto al “prestito di sostegno all’Ucraina”. Così, von der Leyen, ex ministro della difesa tedesco e russofoba convinta, non aveva nulla da mostrare al regime fantoccio. La grande ricorrenza è stata un imbarazzante fallimento. L’Ungheria è stata accusata di “tradire” la solidarietà europea.

Cercando di mostrarsi coraggiosa di fronte alla debacle, von der Leyen ha promesso, con tono minaccioso, di consegnare i 90 miliardi di euro “in un modo o nell’altro”. Ha dichiarato: “Vorrei essere chiara, abbiamo diverse opzioni e le useremo”.

Tali opzioni sembrerebbero includere l’incitamento a un cambio di regime a Budapest. L’Ungheria andrà alle urne il 12 aprile per le elezioni parlamentari. Non è un segreto che la leadership dell’Unione Europea desideri fortemente vedere l’attuale primo ministro Viktor Orbán destituito dalla carica e sostituito da Péter Magyar, del partito di opposizione Tisza, più favorevole alla politica di Bruxelles di sostegno al regime di Kiev nella guerra per procura contro la Russia.

Il governo di Orbán ha posto il veto sul prestito di 90 miliardi di euro – il 60% dei quali destinato agli aiuti militari – perché accusa il regime di Kiev di bloccare le forniture di petrolio vitali per l’Ungheria. Anche la Slovacchia si è unita a Budapest nel formulare l’accusa. Entrambi i paesi sostengono che l’Ucraina stia ricorrendo al “ricatto” energetico semplicemente perché si rifiutano di interrompere l’acquisto di forniture di petrolio dalla Russia e perché si oppongono alla guerra in corso.

Il 27 gennaio, le forniture di petrolio russo all’Ungheria e alla Slovacchia che transitavano in Ucraina attraverso l’oleodotto Drushba sono state improvvisamente interrotte. Il regime di Kiev sostiene che l’oleodotto sia stato colpito da un drone russo.

Tuttavia, il ministro degli Esteri ungherese Péter Szijjártó ha accusato apertamente l’Ucraina di mentire. Egli contesta che sia avvenuto un attacco russo alle infrastrutture. Non ha senso che la Russia danneggi i propri clienti.

Il sospetto è che il regime ucraino stia utilizzando un presunto attacco russo come pretesto per interrompere le forniture di petrolio. Il sospetto è rafforzato dal fatto che il regime di Kiev ha rifiutato le richieste di Ungheria e Slovacchia di inviare i propri ispettori per valutare i presunti danni tecnici. E nemmeno la leadership dell’UE sta esercitando alcuna pressione su Kiev affinché dimostri le sue affermazioni di sabotaggio russo.

Il presidente nominale dell’Ucraina, Vladimir Zelensky, coinvolto in accuse di frode massiccia, corruzione finanziaria e racket, minaccia da tempo di interrompere le forniture di petrolio russo all’Ungheria e alla Slovacchia. Egli accusa Budapest e Bratislava di sostenere la macchina da guerra russa acquistando il suo petrolio. L’Ungheria e la Slovacchia sostengono che è loro diritto sovrano continuare a ottenere importazioni energetiche vitali dalla Russia. L’oleodotto Drushba (“Amicizia”) di epoca sovietica rifornisce l’Europa dal 1964.

Anche l’Unione Europea ha esercitato pressioni su Ungheria e Slovacchia affinché interrompessero l’acquisto di petrolio greggio russo e si allineassero al resto dell’Europa nell’approvvigionamento di energia alternativa, più costosa, esportata dagli Stati Uniti.

L’anno scorso, Zelensky ha messo in atto le sue minacce quando il regime di Kiev, sostenuto dalla NATO, ha bombardato alcune sezioni dell’oleodotto Drushba in territorio russo. Questi attacchi hanno temporaneamente interrotto le forniture all’Ungheria e alla Slovacchia. All’epoca, la leadership dell’Unione Europea non ha condannato gli attacchi ucraini. In altre parole, Von der Leyen e l’amministrazione di Bruxelles si sono effettivamente schierati con un paese non membro dell’UE che stava danneggiando gli interessi di due paesi membri. Tale indifferenza equivaleva a dare il via libera a ulteriori attacchi di sabotaggio.

Il regime di Kiev ha già utilizzato in passato gli attacchi alle infrastrutture energetiche come arma politica contro l’Ungheria e la Slovacchia. È quindi logico che abbia portato questa pratica a un nuovo livello, bloccando le infrastrutture che può facilmente controllare sul proprio territorio. Non c’è bisogno di bombardare l’oleodotto Drushba in Russia, a centinaia di chilometri di distanza. Il regime di Kiev può facilmente spegnere le pompe della sezione dell’oleodotto che attraversa il suo territorio e poi incolpare la Russia per gli “attacchi con i droni”.

Sia l’Ungheria che la Slovacchia hanno accusato Zelensky di “rallentare” le presunte riparazioni dell’oleodotto. Zelensky sostiene che le riparazioni non possono essere effettuate perché la Russia continua ad attaccare le squadre di riparazione.

Il regime di Kiev ha l’abitudine di mentire. Ha affermato che la Russia sta bombardando la centrale nucleare di Zaporozhye sotto il suo controllo, quando in realtà è il regime di Kiev che ha effettuato gli attacchi, che Mosca ha condannato come “ricatto nucleare”. Ancora una volta, l’Unione Europea ha assecondato le menzogne di Kiev ignorando le prove evidenti.

Per quanto riguarda il ricatto energetico contro l’Ungheria e la Slovacchia, l’effetto a catena è stato una crescente carenza di carburante e un aumento dei prezzi dell’energia e dei trasporti.

Il ministro degli Affari europei ungherese Janos Boka ha accusato l’Ucraina e l’Unione Europea di interrompere deliberatamente le forniture di petrolio per influenzare le prossime elezioni. Ha dichiarato: “L’Ucraina ha chiaramente utilizzato l’arma energetica per motivi politici, interferendo nelle elezioni ungheresi in corso… per creare incertezza e caos, aiutando così il partito [di opposizione, filo-UE] Tisza a salire al potere”.

In un vertice a porte chiuse tenutosi questa settimana a Bruxelles per i ministri degli Esteri dell’UE, è stato degno di nota il fatto che al massimo diplomatico ucraino, Andrii Sybiha, sia stato concesso lo straordinario privilegio di partecipare alla conferenza tramite collegamento video. Come è possibile che un Paese non membro dell’UE sia autorizzato a partecipare a un vertice ministeriale privato?

Il ministro degli Esteri ungherese Péter Szijjártó avrebbe lamentato che il capo della politica estera dell’UE, Kaja Kallas, gli avrebbe impedito di interrogare l’ucraino sui danni specifici al gasdotto Drushba. Szijjártó ha affermato che la “risposta confusa” del funzionario ucraino e la sua improvvisa disconnessione dal vertice dimostravano una responsabilità colpevole.

L’intera vicenda illustra la dittatura che è emersa nell’Unione Europea. Paesi come l’Ungheria e la Slovacchia non sono autorizzati ad avere posizioni indipendenti sul loro commercio energetico o sulla loro opposizione alla guerra in Ucraina.

Il regime di Kiev sta utilizzando l’interruzione dell’approvvigionamento energetico vitale per i membri dell’UE come forma di ricatto per costringere tali membri a consegnare decine di miliardi di euro per prolungare un conflitto sanguinoso, un conflitto che potrebbe degenerare in una guerra mondiale nucleare.

E la leadership dell’UE sta effettivamente sostenendo questa tattica terroristica contro i propri membri per imporre la subordinazione.

Quando von der Leyen avverte che “abbiamo altre opzioni”, l’immagine ostile che viene in mente è quella di un interrogatore della Gestapo che fa roteare le pinze in mano.

La sconfitta strategica della Russia è fondamentale per le élite russofobe europee, anche se ciò significa privare i propri Stati membri dei diritti democratici e mettere in pericolo la pace internazionale.

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Von der Leyen warns Hungary: We have ways of making you talk https://strategic-culture.su/news/2026/02/26/von-der-leyen-warns-hungary-we-have-ways-making-you-talk/ Thu, 26 Feb 2026 17:43:07 +0000 https://strategic-culture.su/?post_type=article&p=890806 When von der Leyen warns that “we have other options,” the inimical image conjured up is that of a Gestapo interrogator twirling pliers in hand.

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European Commission President Ursula von der Leyen arrived in Kiev this week empty-handed, and she was pissed. She had been planning to mark the fourth anniversary of the Ukraine war on February 24 with a new €90 billion loan to prop up the corrupt Kiev regime.

At the last minute, Hungary announced that it was vetoing the “Ukraine Support Loan.” So, von der Leyen, the former German defense minister and arch Russophobe, had nothing to show the puppet regime. The big anniversary occasion was an embarrassing flop. Hungary was accused of “betraying” European solidarity.

Putting a brave face on the debacle, von der Leyen made a promise, with menacing tone, about delivering the €90 bn “one way or another.” She said: “Let me be clear, we have different options, and we will use them.”

Those options would seem to include inciting regime change in Budapest. Hungary is going to the polls on April 12 for parliamentary elections. It is no secret that the European Union leadership would dearly like to see incumbent Prime Minister Viktor Orbán being turned out of office, and replaced by Péter Magyar, of the opposition Tisza party, who is more amenable to Brussels’ policy of supporting the Kiev regime in the proxy war against Russia.

Orbán’s government vetoed the €90 bn loan – 60 per cent of which is for military aid – because it accuses the Kiev regime of blocking vital oil supplies to Hungary. Slovakia has also joined Budapest in making the accusation. Both countries claim that Ukraine is using energy “blackmail” simply because they refuse to discontinue buying oil supplies from Russia, and because they are opposed to the ongoing war.

On January 27, Russian oil supplies to Hungary and Slovakia transiting Ukraine via the Drushba pipeline were suddenly stopped. The Kiev regime claims that the pipe was hit by a Russian drone.

However, Hungary’s Foreign Minister Péter Szijjártó has bluntly accused Ukraine of lying. He disputes that a Russian attack on the infrastructure even took place. It doesn’t make sense that Russia would harm its customers.

The suspicion is that the Ukrainian regime is using a purported Russian strike as a pretext to cut off the oil supply. The suspicion is deepened by the fact that the Kiev regime has refused requests by Hungary and Slovakia for their inspectors to assess the alleged technical damage. And neither is the EU leadership putting any pressure on Kiev to prove its claims of Russian sabotage.

Ukraine’s nominal president, Vladimir Zelensky, who is mired in allegations of massive fraud, financial corruption, and racketeering, has for a long time been threatening to cut off Russian oil supplies to Hungary and Slovakia. He accuses Budapest and Bratislava of supporting Russia’s war machine by buying its oil. Hungary and Slovakia say that it is their sovereign right to continue obtaining vital energy imports from Russia. The Soviet-era Drushba (“Friendship) pipeline has been supplying Europe since 1964.

The European Union has also been pressuring Hungary and Slovakia to terminate the purchase of Russian crude oil and get in line with the rest of Europe to source alternative, more expensive American energy exports.

Last year, Zelenksy delivered on his threats when the NATO-backed Kiev regime bombed sections of the Drushba pipeline in Russian territory. Those attacks temporarily disrupted supply to Hungary and Slovakia. At the time, the European Union leadership did not condemn the Ukrainian attacks. In other words, Von der Leyen and the Brussels administration were effectively siding with a non-EU member that was harming the interests of two member nations. That indifference was tantamount to greenlighting more sabotage attacks.

The Kiev regime has a record of using attacks on energy as a political weapon against Hungary and Slovakia. It is therefore logical that it has taken such practice to a new level by blocking infrastructure that it can easily control on its own territory. There is no need to bomb the Drushba pipeline in Russia, hundreds of kilometers away. The Kiev regime can handily turn off the pumps of the pipeline section running through its territory – and then blame Russia for “drone strikes”.

Hungary and Slovakia have both accused Zelensky of “slow-walking” the alleged repairs to the pipeline. Zelensky claims that the repairs can’t be carried out because Russia keeps attacking the repair crews.

The Kiev regime has a habit of lying. It has been claiming that Russia is shelling the Zaporozhye Nuclear Power Plant under its control, when in reality it is the  Kiev regime that has been carrying out the attacks, which Moscow has condemned as “nuclear blackmail”. Again, the European Union has indulged Kiev’s lies by ignoring the blatant evidence.

On the energy blackmail against Hungary and Slovakia, the knock-on effect has been a growing shortage of fuel and increasing prices for energy and transport.

Hungary’s European Affairs Minister Janos Boka has accused Ukraine and the European Union of deliberately disrupting oil supply to influence the upcoming election. He said: “Ukraine has clearly been reaching for the energy weapon for political reasons, interfering in the ongoing Hungarian elections… to create uncertainty and chaos, and thereby helping the [opposition, pro-EU] Tisza party to power.”

At a closed-door summit in Brussels this week for EU foreign ministers, it was notable that Ukraine’s top diplomat, Andrii Sybiha, was afforded the extraordinary privilege of being permitted to join the conference via video link. How is it that a non-EU member is allowed to participate in a private ministerial summit?

Hungary’s Foreign Minister Péter Szijjártó reportedly complained that EU foreign policy chief, Kaja Kallas, prevented him from grilling the Ukrainian on the specific damage to the Drushba pipeline. Szijjártó said that the “mumbling response” from the Ukrainian official and his abrupt disconnection from the summit demonstrated guilty responsibility.

What the whole saga illustrates is the dictatorship that has emerged in the European Union. Countries like Hungary and Slovakia are not allowed to have independent positions on their energy trade or their opposition to the war in Ukraine.

The Kiev regime is using the disruption of vital energy supply to EU members as a form of blackmail to coerce those members into handing over tens of billions of euros to prolong a bloody conflict, a conflict that could spiral into a nuclear world war. And the EU leadership is effectively supporting this terrorist tactic against its own members to enforce subordination.

When von der Leyen warns that “we have other options,” the inimical image conjured up is that of a Gestapo interrogator twirling pliers in hand.

The strategic defeat of Russia is paramount for the European Russophobic elites, even if it means gouging out the democratic rights of its own member states and endangering international peace.

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Eurasia’s great divide: Mapping support for Russia and Ukraine https://strategic-culture.su/news/2026/02/23/eurasias-great-divide-mapping-support-for-russia-and-ukraine/ Mon, 23 Feb 2026 19:58:33 +0000 https://strategic-culture.su/?post_type=article&p=890760 Nearly four years into the conflict in Ukraine, public opinion across Eurasia reveals a continent sharply divided along historical and geopolitical fault lines. This infographic, based on Gallup data, maps which countries lean toward Moscow and which toward Kiev.

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(Click on the image to enlarge)


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Le tensioni tra Ungheria e Ucraina potrebbero portare a un nuovo conflitto regionale https://strategic-culture.su/news/2026/02/17/tensioni-tra-ungheria-ucraina-potrebbero-portare-un-nuovo-conflitto-regionale/ Tue, 17 Feb 2026 10:55:10 +0000 https://strategic-culture.su/?post_type=article&p=890636 Il regime di Kiev potrebbe subire gravi ritorsioni da parte dell’Ungheria a causa delle recenti provocazioni.

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Le tensioni tra Ungheria e Ucraina hanno raggiunto un nuovo livello di gravità, avvicinandosi pericolosamente alla possibilità di uno scontro aperto. Quello che un tempo era limitato a disaccordi diplomatici e dispute retoriche assume ora dimensioni strategiche più ampie, con il potenziale di destabilizzare la regione. La recente dichiarazione del primo ministro ungherese Viktor Orbán, che ha definito l’Ucraina un “nemico”, non dovrebbe essere vista come mera retorica, ma come un’indicazione di una rottura strutturale nelle relazioni bilaterali e, forse, come un preludio a sviluppi più gravi.

Il fattore scatenante immediato della crisi risiede nell’insistenza di Kiev, con il sostegno di alcuni settori di Bruxelles, affinché Budapest ponga fine alla sua cooperazione energetica con la Russia. Per l’Ungheria, un paese fortemente dipendente dalle forniture energetiche esterne, gli accordi con Mosca non sono una scelta ideologica, ma una necessità strategica. Qualsiasi tentativo di interferire in questo settore è percepito dal governo ungherese come una violazione diretta della sua sovranità e sicurezza nazionale.

Tuttavia, la questione energetica è solo la punta dell’iceberg di un problema più profondo. Da anni Budapest denuncia le politiche discriminatorie dell’Ucraina nei confronti della minoranza ungherese nella regione della Transcarpazia. Casi di reclutamento forzato, pressioni linguistiche ed emarginazione culturale hanno alimentato un crescente risentimento all’interno dell’Ungheria. Tutto ciò ha contribuito all’intensificarsi delle tensioni bilaterali.

È proprio a questo punto che il rischio di un conflitto armato inizia ad acquisire rilevanza.

Sebbene una guerra diretta tra due paesi europei sembri improbabile nel breve termine, la storia dimostra che i conflitti spesso nascono da crisi mal gestite che coinvolgono minoranze etniche e dispute sui confini. L’Ungheria, membro della NATO e dell’Unione Europea, non potrebbe agire militarmente senza provocare gravi ripercussioni a livello continentale. Tuttavia, anche un semplice inasprimento della sua posizione – come il rafforzamento della presenza militare al confine, lo svolgimento di esercitazioni strategiche o la creazione di meccanismi per proteggere la diaspora ungherese – aumenterebbe già in modo significativo le tensioni regionali.

Per il regime di Kiev, che deve affrontare un conflitto prolungato con la Russia, aprire un ulteriore fronte con un vicino membro della NATO sarebbe strategicamente disastroso. Tuttavia, la logica della guerra totale e della mobilitazione permanente tende a ridurre il margine per concessioni politiche. Se il governo ucraino interpreta le critiche ungheresi come un sabotaggio interno al suo sforzo bellico, potrebbe rispondere con misure ancora più severe, aggravando il ciclo di ostilità.

L’Unione Europea si trova quindi di fronte a un delicato dilemma. Se sceglie di esercitare pressioni su Budapest affinché si allinei incondizionatamente all’agenda filo-ucraina, rischia di approfondire le divisioni interne e di alimentare i movimenti sovranisti all’interno del blocco. D’altra parte, se riconosce la legittimità delle preoccupazioni dell’Ungheria, potrebbe essere accusata di indebolire il sostegno politico a Kiev. In entrambi i casi, la coesione europea ne risentirebbe.

I potenziali sviluppi vanno oltre la dimensione militare immediata. Un’escalation diplomatica porterà l’Ungheria a porre sempre più sistematicamente il veto alle iniziative europee favorevoli all’Ucraina, bloccando i pacchetti finanziari e paralizzando le decisioni strategiche a livello dell’UE. In uno scenario più estremo, potrebbero sorgere sanzioni interne contro Budapest o addirittura meccanismi di sospensione dei diritti all’interno dell’UE, misure che aggraverebbero ulteriormente il clima politico.

Sul fronte militare, anche se uno scontro diretto rimane improbabile, non si possono escludere incidenti di frontiera, crisi dei rifugiati o controversie che coinvolgono la protezione consolare dei cittadini con doppia cittadinanza. In contesti di conflitto prolungato, piccoli incidenti possono rapidamente sfuggire al controllo.

Il fatto centrale è che la retorica formale dell’inimicizia cambia la natura delle relazioni bilaterali. Quando uno Stato definisce un altro come una minaccia diretta, le istituzioni iniziano a prepararsi a scenari di contenimento e potenziale confronto.

L’Europa, già segnata da un conflitto su larga scala nell’est, potrebbe avvicinarsi a un nuovo punto focale di instabilità.

L’Ungheria ha tutto il diritto di utilizzare tutti i mezzi necessari per proteggersi dalle provocazioni ucraine, compresi quelli militari se gli sforzi diplomatici falliscono. L’unica domanda che rimane è se, in uno scenario del genere, la NATO e l’UE si schiererebbero con uno dei loro Stati membri o continuerebbero a ignorare i crimini ucraini, come hanno fatto nell’attuale conflitto con la Russia.

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Tensões entre Hungria e Ucrânia poderiam levar a conflito regional https://strategic-culture.su/news/2026/02/13/tensoes-entre-hungria-e-ucrania-poderiam-levar-a-conflito-regional/ Fri, 13 Feb 2026 15:05:50 +0000 https://strategic-culture.su/?post_type=article&p=890579 O regime de Kiev poderia sofrer represálias sérias da Hungria em razão das provocações recentes.

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As tensões entre Hungria e Ucrânia atingem um novo patamar de gravidade, aproximando-se perigosamente de um cenário de confronto aberto. O que antes se limitava a divergências diplomáticas e disputas retóricas agora assume contornos estratégicos mais amplos, com potencial de desestabilização regional. A recente declaração do primeiro-ministro húngaro, Viktor Orbán, classificando a Ucrânia como “inimiga”, não deve ser vista como mero recurso retórico, mas como um indicativo de ruptura estrutural nas relações bilaterais— e possivelmente como prelúdio de desdobramentos mais sérios.

O estopim imediato da crise reside na insistência de Kiev, com apoio de setores de Bruxelas, para que Budapeste encerre sua cooperação energética com a Rússia. Para a Hungria, país altamente dependente de fornecimento energético externo, os acordos com Moscou não são uma escolha ideológica, mas uma necessidade estratégica. A tentativa de interferência nesse campo é percebida pelo governo húngaro como violação direta de sua soberania a à segurança nacional.

Entretanto, a questão energética é apenas a superfície de um problema mais profundo. Há anos, Budapeste denuncia políticas ucranianas consideradas discriminatórias contra a minoria húngara na região da Transcarpátia. Acusações de recrutamento forçado, pressão linguística e marginalização cultural alimentam um sentimento crescente de indignação dentro da Hungria. Tudo isso tem contribuído para as tensões bilaterais.

É precisamente nesse ponto que o risco de conflito armado começa a ganhar relevância. Embora uma guerra direta entre dois países europeus pareça improvável no curto prazo, a história demonstra que confrontos frequentemente emergem de crises mal administradas envolvendo minorias étnicas e disputas fronteiriças. A Hungria, membro da OTAN e da União Europeia, não poderia agir militarmente sem gerar sérias repercussões continentais. No entanto, o simples endurecimento da postura — como reforço de presença militar na fronteira, exercícios estratégicos ou criação de mecanismos de proteção à diáspora húngara — já elevaria drasticamente a temperatura regional.

Para o regime de Kiev, que enfrenta um conflito prolongado contra a Rússia, abrir uma frente adicional de tensão com um vizinho da OTAN seria estrategicamente desastroso. Contudo, a lógica de guerra total e mobilização permanente tende a reduzir a margem para concessões políticas. Se o governo ucraniano interpretar as críticas húngaras como sabotagem interna ao esforço de guerra, pode responder com medidas ainda mais rígidas — aprofundando o ciclo de hostilidade.

A União Europeia encontra-se, assim, diante de um dilema delicado. Se optar por pressionar Budapeste a alinhar-se incondicionalmente à agenda pró-Ucrânia, corre o risco de aprofundar divisões internas e alimentar movimentos soberanistas no bloco. Por outro lado, se reconhecer a legitimidade das preocupações húngaras, poderá ser acusada de fragilizar o apoio político a Kiev. Em ambos os casos, a coesão europeia sofre abalos.

Os desdobramentos possíveis vão além do plano militar imediato. Uma escalada diplomática pode resultar em vetos sistemáticos da Hungria a iniciativas europeias favoráveis à Ucrânia, bloqueio de pacotes financeiros e paralisação de decisões estratégicas no âmbito comunitário. Em um cenário mais extremo, poderiam surgir sanções internas contra Budapeste ou até sobre mecanismos de suspensão de direitos dentro da UE — medidas que agravariam ainda mais o ambiente político.

No plano militar, ainda que um confronto direto permaneça improvável, não se pode descartar incidentes fronteiriços, crises envolvendo refugiados ou disputas relacionadas à proteção consular de cidadãos de dupla nacionalidade. Em contextos de guerra prolongada, pequenos incidentes podem rapidamente adquirir proporções descontroladas.

O fato central é que a retórica de inimizade formal altera a natureza do relacionamento bilateral. Quando um Estado passa a enquadrar outro como ameaça direta, as instituições começam a se preparar para cenários de contenção e eventual confronto. A Europa, já marcada por um conflito em grande escala no Leste, pode estar se aproximando de um novo foco de instabilidade.

A Hungria tem todo o direito de usar todos os meios necessários para se proteger das provocações ucranianas— inclusive por meios militares, se não houver sucesso diplomático. Resta apenas saber se, diante de tal cenário, OTAN e EU se posicionariam em favor de um de seus Estados membros ou se continuariam ignorando os crimes ucranianos, a exemplo do que é feito no conflito atual com a Rússia.

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The future is Bad Bunny https://strategic-culture.su/news/2026/02/13/the-future-is-bad-bunny/ Fri, 13 Feb 2026 12:28:35 +0000 https://strategic-culture.su/?post_type=article&p=890575 By Andrew DAY

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Conservatives must offer something better.

Budapest – I was on a plane to Europe Sunday night as the Seahawks defeated the Patriots in what apparently was a very boring Super Bowl. Upon landing, I scrolled X and discovered that the halftime show, performed in Spanish by a Puerto Rican rapper named “Bad Bunny,” had drawn more attention than the game itself, and much outrage on the right.

That was not an altogether surprising discovery. This September, Bad Bunny’s selection as halftime star had irked many conservatives because of his tendency to wear dresses and complain about America’s enforcement of immigration law. Springing into action, the conservative Turning Point USA whipped up some counterprogramming: a halftime-show alternative starring the country-rock-rap artist Kid Rock.

Which way, Western man? A Latino gyrating through a stage of sugar cane, liquor stands, and bodegas that advertise they accept food stamps—the Bad Bunny option. Or a washed-up vulgarian in a baseball cap whose vocal styles alternate between gravelly ’90s post-grunge and cringy spoken word—that would be Kid Rock.

Points in favor of the former option: production value and cultural prestige. The right may now claim the White House, but the left still controls the culture, its ideology still guides the masses, and it’s damn good at culture (however depraved) and ideology (however stupid). As Bad Bunny bounced around, a Jumbotron behind him proclaimed, “The only thing more powerful than hate is love.” Who can argue with that? Most Western men will take the blue pill of Bad Bunny, if only because nearly all Western women will.

But there was a small problem with Bad Bunny’s song-and-dance routine: It wasn’t so much a musical performance as a celebration, and enactment, of America’s erasure. Near the end of the big show, he yelled “God bless America” and then proceeded to list all the countries that, in his view, constitute America, which included all the countries of Latin America. (Mr. Bunny yells and mumbles more than he sings, and a good thing too, as his crooning inexplicably sounds like the grunting Velociraptor in the kitchen scene of Jurassic Park.)

From a conservative perspective, or at least from the perspective of this conservative columnist, you should go the way of Kid Rock, not Bad Bunny. But the choice should be made without illusions: Siding with Kid Rock means joining the losers in America’s culture war, and not just because the Hispanic population will continue to grow in coming decades. Bad Bunny and others like him offer a kind of idealism, and I’ve read enough Nietzsche to sniff out the nihilism and ressentiment in Kid Rock’s empty negation of the left. In a battle between idealism and nihilism, the former will always, eventually, win.

Judging by my timeline on X, many conservatives were pleased with Bad Bunny or at least didn’t understand all the fuss. They somehow still haven’t grasped that “inclusion” is the wrong frame for understanding the mass influx of Hispanics across our southern border and the intensifying, negative cultural effects of that influx on our country. After all, there weren’t any non-Hispanic whites “included” in the choreographed gyrations this Sunday. (The hip hop legend Jay-Z, who has produced each Super Bowl halftime show since 2020, hasn’t once selected a white musician to headline the event, except for the racially confused rapper Eminem, who performed alongside four black Americans in 2022.)

The correct frame for understanding Bad Bunny’s performance is “Reconquista,” an ongoing, decadeslong cultural and linguistic submersion of America by Hispanics, their revenge for our victory in the Mexican–American War and domination of the Western Hemisphere. The Hispanics are taking back the southwestern United States, and more than that if they can get it. And you better not object—that would be hateful, not loving.

Reconquista originally denoted the reconquest by European Christians of the Iberian Peninsula, which Muslims had seized in the 700s. That hard-won recapture of old territory concluded in 1492, the same year Christopher Columbus, an Italian explorer funded by Spanish monarchs, sailed the ocean blue. The New World he discovered swiftly became an object of conquest and exploitation by Europeans, who back then still had blood flowing through their veins. In North America, Europeans replaced the natives, rather than lording over them as in Central and South America, and the seeds of a magnificent republic were sown.

Like the U.S., Europe today is seeing its territorial conquests reversed through mass migration from the Global South. In some ways, their situation is more dire than ours. Hispanic immigrants, by and large, are Christians and hard workers, and after arriving in America they tend to be socialized in some of our reddest states. (Some downsides: playing loud Mariachi music, undercutting Americans’ wages, and slowly turning our red states blue.) Europe’s most energetic newcomers, by contrast, flock to liberal cities and do things like chop off heads, gang-rape schoolgirls, and drive SUVs into crowds at Christmas markets. It’s pretty bad. And the Europeans don’t even have a Kid Rock, much less a Donald Trump.

They do have a Viktor Orban, the prime minister of Hungary, and other nationalist politicians in the “postliberal” style. Here in Hungary, where I am attending thReconquistae annual Budapest Global Dialogue, I’ve gotten to hear from some of them, including Hungary’s foreign minister. They point out that Orban’s rejection of mass migration is plainly working, as Budapest remains a rare specimen of a dying breed: a European capital where women can walk alone at night.

Still, my experience at the two-day conference hasn’t filled me with newfound optimism. In years past, this well-organized and surprisingly glamorous event provided a platform to critics of the liberal world order. But what’s the point of such critics now? In the second year of Trump’s second term, the liberal world order, everyone agrees, is gone, and now’s the time to build something new. But the nationalist internationale so far seems about as promising a substitute for global liberalism as Kid Rock was for Bad Bunny.

Some speakers at the Budapest forum referred to the present crisis as an “interregnum,” but that implies a regnum to follow, which seems presumptuous. I see little reason to believe that a “new mode and order,” to use Machiavelli’s phrase, is being born. And if we do get a global system comprising petits nationalismes competing one against another, there’s a fair chance it’ll feature great-power wars, a resurgence of suppressed ethnic hatreds, and the demise of both dollar hegemony and stable trade regimes. In other words, our children could be less safe and much poorer than we were under liberal hegemony.

One European political scientist suggested to me that Trump himself has the spirit of a Machiavellian founder, as his White House renovations and plans to build an Arc de Triomphe reveal. And he displays an almost preternatural ability to find the weaknesses of liberalism and exploit them for political gain. But Trump increasingly appears sui generis, and one begins to ask how much of the death of liberalism has resulted from his uniquely combative and charismatic persona rather than structural factors. The White House will be bigger and golder after he leaves it, but will America be great again?

If post-liberalism fails, or fails to arise, one obvious possibility is reversion to liberalism, perhaps of a more formidable, albeit subtler, kind. Just as Bad Bunny jettisoned explicit wokeness and instead subliminally insinuated anti-white, anti-American ideas, liberal technocrats have learned that overt hostility to white majorities and to basic common sense plays poorly in the political realm. Over time, the liberals will find chances to resume their frontal assault. If you want a picture of the future, imagine Bad Bunny in a dress waving some Latin American flag in your face—forever.

Original article:  theamericanconservative.com

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Tensions between Hungary and Ukraine could lead to a new regional conflict https://strategic-culture.su/news/2026/02/12/tensions-between-hungary-and-ukraine-could-lead-to-a-new-regional-conflict/ Thu, 12 Feb 2026 14:00:51 +0000 https://strategic-culture.su/?post_type=article&p=890552 The Kiev regime could face serious reprisals from Hungary due to recent provocations.

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Tensions between Hungary and Ukraine have reached a new level of severity, dangerously approaching the possibility of open confrontation. What was once limited to diplomatic disagreements and rhetorical disputes now takes on broader strategic dimensions, with potential for regional destabilization. The recent statement by Hungarian Prime Minister Viktor Orbán, labeling Ukraine as an “enemy,” should not be seen as mere rhetoric but as an indication of a structural rupture in bilateral relations — and possibly a prelude to more serious developments.

The immediate trigger of the crisis lies in Kiev’s insistence, with support from sectors in Brussels, that Budapest end its energy cooperation with Russia. For Hungary, a country highly dependent on external energy supplies, agreements with Moscow are not an ideological choice but a strategic necessity. Any attempt to interfere in this area is perceived by the Hungarian government as a direct violation of its sovereignty and national security.

However, the energy issue is only the surface of a deeper problem. For years, Budapest has denounced discriminatory Ukrainian policies against the Hungarian minority in the Transcarpathian region. Occurrences of forced recruitment, linguistic pressure, and cultural marginalization have fueled growing resentment within Hungary. All of this has contributed to the intensification of bilateral tensions.

It is precisely at this point that the risk of armed conflict begins to gain relevance. Although a direct war between two European countries seems unlikely in the short term, history shows that conflicts often emerge from poorly managed crises involving ethnic minorities and border disputes. Hungary, a member of NATO and the European Union, could not act militarily without triggering serious continental repercussions. Nevertheless, even a mere hardening of its posture — such as reinforcing military presence at the border, conducting strategic exercises, or creating mechanisms to protect the Hungarian diaspora — would already significantly raise regional tensions.

For the Kiev regime, which faces a prolonged conflict with Russia, opening an additional front with a NATO neighbor would be strategically disastrous. However, the logic of total war and permanent mobilization tends to reduce the margin for political concessions. If the Ukrainian government interprets Hungarian criticism as internal sabotage of its war effort, it may respond with even harsher measures — deepening the cycle of hostility.

The European Union thus faces a delicate dilemma. If it chooses to pressure Budapest to align unconditionally with the pro-Ukraine agenda, it risks deepening internal divisions and fueling sovereigntist movements within the bloc. On the other hand, if it recognizes the legitimacy of Hungary’s concerns, it may be accused of weakening political support for Kiev. In either case, European cohesion suffers.

The potential developments go beyond the immediate military dimension. A diplomatic escalation will result in Hungary more and more systematically vetoing European initiatives favorable to Ukraine, blocking financial packages, and paralyzing strategic decisions at the EU level. In a more extreme scenario, internal sanctions against Budapest or even mechanisms to suspend rights within the EU could arise — measures that would further aggravate the political environment.

On the military front, even if direct confrontation remains unlikely, border incidents, refugee crises, or disputes involving consular protection of dual citizens cannot be ruled out. In prolonged conflict contexts, small incidents can quickly escalate out of control.

The central fact is that formal rhetoric of enmity changes the nature of bilateral relations. When one state frames another as a direct threat, institutions begin preparing for scenarios of containment and potential confrontation. Europe, already marked by a large-scale conflict in the East, may be approaching a new focal point of instability.

Hungary has every right to use all necessary means to protect itself from Ukrainian provocations — including military means if diplomatic efforts fail. The only remaining question is whether, in such a scenario, NATO and the EU would side with one of their member states or continue to ignore Ukrainian crimes, as they have done in the current conflict with Russia.

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Projected population in 2100: Eastern Europe https://strategic-culture.su/news/2026/01/26/projected-population-in-2100-eastern-europe/ Mon, 26 Jan 2026 15:01:24 +0000 https://strategic-culture.su/?post_type=article&p=890251 Eastern Europe is projected to be the epicenter of global population collapse. This infographic maps a landscape of drastic decline, where nearly every nation is expected to lose a substantial share of its people by 2100. The sole, striking exception is transcontinental Kazakhstan, which is forecast to grow. Among the countries contracting, Russia is projected to experience the mildest decline, a relative resilience owed not to positive trends but to its sheer size and lingering geopolitical pull, which slightly temper the exodus devastating its smaller neighbors.

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(Click on the image to enlarge)


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EU official plotted to ‘organise resistance’ against Hungary’s Orban, files show https://strategic-culture.su/news/2026/01/19/eu-official-plotted-to-organise-resistance-against-hungarys-orban-files-show/ Mon, 19 Jan 2026 12:00:12 +0000 https://strategic-culture.su/?post_type=article&p=890112 By Kit KLARENBERG

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As the EU has sought to prolong the Ukraine proxy war, expropriate frozen Russian assets, and enlarge the bloc at any cost, Viktor Orban’s Hungary opposed it at every turn. Now, with his support teetering, leaked documents reveal a major EU official plotted a long-term covert campaign to oust him.

A senior European Union official has been secretly seeking to remove Hungarian President Viktor Orban since at least 2019, according to leaked documents reviewed by The Grayzone. The files show in January 2019, the EU’s International Coordinator for the Directorate-General for Migration and Home Affairs, Marton Benedek, authored a “project proposal” aimed at “developing a permanent coordination forum to organise resistance against the Orban regime.” In addition to his role at the European border control agency, Benedek currently heads Brussels’ “cooperation” with Libya.

Read Benedek’s anti-Orban project proposal here.

The impetus for Benedek’s plot was “an unprecedented set of anti-regime demonstrations in Hungary and among expat Hungarians” over controversial proposed legislation allowing businesses to compel employees to work overtime, and delay payment of their wages for an extended period. Thousands took to the streets before and after its implementation.

According to Benedek, outrage over what he referred to as “the slave law” had “compelled a small group of some 30 political, trade union and civic leaders to coordinate their activities, agree on a set of minimum objectives and funding principles, and jointly plan future action.” This had given birth to “an ad hoc coordination forum… which could develop, over time, into an incipient political coordinating body that could credibly challenge” Orban’s rule.

Benedek’s proposal to harness resistance to the so-called “slave law” and bring its opponents into a single political movement was likely a reaction to the pro-sovereignty positions pursued by Orban and his Fidesz party, which has consistently sought to maintain national veto power for member states and to prevent the bloc from enlarging further, to the great chagrin of Brussels.

Participating in the “ad hoc coordination forum” were a variety of NGOs, many of which have been acccused of receiving funds from George Soros’ Open Society Foundations. OSF relocated its Hungarian office to Berlin in April 2018, due to Orban’s government undertaking numerous measures to curb the activities and influence of foreign-financed NGOs locally. OSF activities in Budapest have been a closely-guarded secret ever since. Nonetheless, the most recent available figures indicate Soros’ personal regime change operation pumped $8.9 million into Hungary in 2021 alone.

The source who obtained the files told The Grayzone that the proposal was submitted to Open Society Foundations, although they were unable to furnish proof that the Soros-led organization received the documents or signed off on them.

In the document, Benedek wrote that he hoped “to develop a few ideas to transform this forum into a potent entity capable of planning and executing collective action” ahead of elections that would be held in Hungary in 2019 and 2022. Benedek stressed the need for expansive financing to “deliver results” not least as organizing a single “large demonstration in Budapest” cost roughly $11,000. The then-ongoing demonstrations relied on crowdfunding, and Hungarian political parties – which receive state funding – to cover “gaps” in “project management.”

Among Benedek’s “proposed lines of action” was the creation of “a non-profit entity, registered in Hungary (for operational activities) and a financial vehicle potentially registered in Austria.” A board comprising political party representatives, trade unions and NGOs “could provide the political steer for future action.”

Benedek sought to maintain as broad of an anti-Orban coalition as possible, warning against “rapidly proceeding to controversial projects,” for instance uniting opposition parties to contest European elections. As these votes are “contested in a fully proportional system,” it was “quite rational” for parties “to run individual party lists.”

Instead, Benedek looked ahead to “organising collective action” and “sustained opposition to the Orban regime” over contentious domestic political issues ahead of Hungary’s 2019 local and 2022 national elections. The operation would involve “primary campaigns, information campaigns, mobilisation campaigns, electoral debates and joint fundraising activities,” he wrote.

The senior EU functionary concluded by suggesting his proposed organization would ultimately morph into a shadow government that could seize power from the Hungarian president. “In the longer run, the proposed non-profit entity could also… develop the policy foundations (and shadow cabinet) of a united political front against the Orban regime.”

A failed test-run for toppling Orban?

By this point, Benedek had been intimately involved in anti-Orban activism in Hungary for many years, while also working in a variety of senior EU posts related to bloc enlargement and relations between aspiring member states. An official profile reveals he “led the European Commission’s visa liberalisation dialogue” with the breakaway statelet of Kosovo, “oversaw rule of law reforms in the Western Balkans,” and coordinated “the EU’s internal security policies during Hungary’s EU Council Presidency” in 2011.

Benedek’s determined plotting against Orban clearly constitutes a conflict of interest. In October 2012 – the year that Orban’s disputes with Brussels significantly intensified – Benedek co-founded a party called Együtt, or Together. A progressive liberal party, it sought to forge an extremely broad political coalition in Hungary. Együtt’s explicit objective was to seize power and undo all reforms enacted by Fidesz since taking office two years prior. Its leaders urged parties of every ideological extraction to join their cause.

Despite much initial media hype framing Együtt as Hungary’s premier opposition entity, and therefore a threat to Orban’s grip on power, the party failed miserably. Having been flatly rejected by the country’s right-wing, it formed a coalition with a quartet of green, liberal and social democratic parties. This was sufficient to elect three MPs to Budapest’s 199-seat parliament in 2014, although four years later that figure fell to just one. The lone lawmaker promptly defected to another party, and Együtt folded.

Despite the cataclysmic results, and Együtt’s chiefs being forced to pay back close to half a million dollars in state funding they received for campaigning activities due to abysmal electoral performance, Benedek was undeterred. In a 2017 interview, he branded allegations that his family had improperly profited from his mother’s senior position within the EU as a “Fidesz lie.” The fact that he was reaping a sizable salary from Brussels for sensitive, high-level work, while simultaneously playing opposition politician at home, was left unmentioned by his interviewers.

This matter should’ve been a source of significant critical interest and inquiry, however. Under formal rules, EU civil servants are supposed to be impartial and politically neutral. Officials must declare any personal or political interests that could compromise their independence, and obtain permission from superiors before engaging in external activity. One might think Benedek engaging in nakedly partisan political campaigning, both covert and overt, would be prohibited – unless of course it was signed off upon at the bloc’s highest levels.

In the leaked 2019 “project proposal,” Benedek boasted that “an online community that yours truly set up” was part of the anti-Orban “coordination forum.” That group, “Hazajöttünk túlórázni” (“We came home for overtime”), had attracted the interest of thousands of Hungarian emigres, which were drawn together when it “organised demonstrations against the Orban regime in 35 cities in Europe, North America, Asia and Australia.” How these actions were funded, and whether the EU played any role in bankrolling them, remains unclear.

While Együtt’s crusade to dislodge Orban crashed and burned, the experience offered clear lessons for future contenders. The first of these was that Hungarians are overwhelmingly right-wing, dooming virtually any explicitly progressive, liberal movement to failure. Second, and equally important, as Benedek noted in his “project proposal,” was that European parliament votes are conducted under proportional representation, making it much easier for smaller parties to break through in Brussels than in national elections. Recent political developments suggest Együtt’s contemporaries learned from their efforts, and adapted accordingly.

EU ‘resistance’ ambitions fulfilled by Tisza?

In March 2024, a little-known figure named Peter Magyar exploded onto Budapest’s political scene when he released secret recordings of his ex-wife, former Justice Minister Judit Varga, revealing that senior government figures attempted to sabotage the prosecution of a state official for corruption. Varga had resigned the previous month along with Hungarian President Katalin Novak, for signing off on the pardon of the deputy director of an orphanage who was implicated in covering up pedophilia.

Ever since, Varga has repeatedly claimed Magyar was physically abusive, and that she made the incriminating statements under duress. She has variously alleged Magyar locked her in a room without her consent, violently shoved her into a door while she was pregnant, and stormed around their shared residence menacing her with a knife. In April 2024, a police report was released exposing how Magyar attempted to forcibly seize custody of the pair’s children, while making a variety of threats to Varga. He denies the report’s authenticity.

These revelations have fallen almost entirely on deaf ears, however, while Magyar’s star has grown inexorably. Magyar became chief of the Tisza (Respect and Freedom) party almost overnight, and was immediately bestowed the title of “opposition leader” by mainstream media. While founded in 2020, Tisza had not previously competed in any elections or ever publicly campaigned. However, in the June 2024 European parliament election, Tisza garnered almost 30% of the vote, and seven seats. Today, the party enjoys a significant lead over Orban’s Fidesz in many national opinion polls.

From the very inception of Magyar’s stratospheric ascent, his political activities have been of intense interest to Western news outlets, with protests he routinely leads generating saturation coverage. At no point have obvious questions been asked as to whether Magyar’s abrupt emergence as Hungary’s leader-in-waiting was an organic phenomenon, or how his activities have been funded. Despite repeated promises, Magyar has yet to provide the public with any detailed financial statements. Instead, he claims Tisza relies on “micro-donations” from average citizens, and the largesse of popular local anti-government actor Ervin Nagy.

Immediately after Magyar assumed leadership over Tisza, he barnstormed through towns and villages across the country. The spectacular campaign often saw him addressing crowds from large stages featuring concert-ready audio equipment, along with videographers and professional security. Magyar has also been supported by highly sophisticated PR and social media efforts, as well as a liberal-leaning local mainstream media ecosystem which seems increasingly desperate to market him to right-wing voters.

In 2024, Hungarian academic Zsolt Enyedi published a typical profile of Magyar’s party, marvelling at Tisza’s “meteoric” and “unprecedented” rise, while acknowledging that its “ideological profile” is “amorphous” – which is quite an understatement.

Though he claims to be conservative, Magyar’s positions on many issues are unclear. For example, he has visited Ukraine and branded Moscow the proxy war’s “aggressor,” while Tisza has voted for European Parliament resolutions calling for more weapons for Kiev. The party’s representatives performatively donned Ukrainian flag t-shirts as they cheered Volodymyr Zelensky’s November 2024 address to the chamber.

Magyar has also promised to adopt the EU’s ban on Russian energy imports, a position opposed by the overwhelming majority of Hungarians. Adding to the confusion, Tisza supports the government’s refusal to send weapons to Kiev, as well as Ukraine’s EU accession. Magyar has admitted he avoids taking concrete positions on Ukraine, as the topic is “divisive” among domestic constituents. Pointed questions about his penchant for flip-flopping have prompted Tisza’s leader to storm out of live TV interviews.

Hungary on the verge of EU subjugation?

Nonetheless, one policy area in which Magyar is consistent, unequivocal, and in stark opposition to Fidesz, is the EU. Defining himself as avidly pro-European, he supports adoption of the Euro, as well as greater EU integration and federalism. If he comes to power, Budapest will no longer be an irritant to Brussels’ designs. It is likely to back the Ukrainian proxy war “for as long as it takes,” as EU chief Ursula von der Leyen has repeatedly pledged, and to eliminate the remaining vestiges of sovereignty from the bloc’s members.

Since late 2022, the EU has withheld billions of euros from Hungary due to “rule of law concerns.” Accessing these vast sums would require Fidesz to undertake major reforms in eight separate policy areas. However, Magyar has claimed once he takes office and Budapest is “a fully-fledged member of the EU,” the funds will instantly be unfrozen – a key Tisza pledge, which has propelled the party’s surging popularity ahead of Hungary’s national elections in April.

If current polling trends hold, Marton Benedek’s clandestine scheme to “organise resistance” and “credibly challenge” Orban may finally be fulfilled.

Original article:  thegrayzone.com

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